Faith-Based Strategy For Reversing The Shrinking And Closing Civic Space And Human Rights Violations In Nigeria
Faith-Based Strategy For Reversing The Shrinking And Closing Civic Space And Human Rights Violations In Nigeria
By Pastor Oladayo Ogunbowale
S. A. Communications to Oyo State Governor
20–12–2021
Introduction
Civic space is the bedrock of any open and democratic society. When civic space is open, citizens and civil society organisations are able to organise, participate and communicate without hindrance. In doing so, they are able to claim their rights and influence the political and social structures around them. This can only happen when a state holds by its duty to protect its citizens and respects and facilitates their fundamental rights to associate, assemble peacefully and freely express views and opinions. This paper attempts to X-Ray the Civic Space in Nigeria, its declining quality and shrinking with respect to efforts and strategies deployed by faith based actors.
The Nigerian Civic Space
The International Journal on Human Rights in its 2017 September issue reports that since 2015, Nigeria has witnessed a vicious crackdown on social critics, bloggers, and activists challenging impunity, official corruption and human rights abuses. A Nigerian non-governmental organisation, SPACES FOR CHANGE (S4C), tracked 103 incidents of governmental restrictions on free speech, association, religious and assembly rights that occurred between May 2015 — May 2017. This crackdown, especially targeted towards bloggers, activists and leaders of religious and indigenous movements, adds to the growing list of documented restrictions and human rights violations resulting from official behaviour.
In their publication; “Reclaiming Nigeria’s Shrinking Online Civic Space A Collective and Sustainable Civil Society Approach to Protect Liberties” Transnational Institute (TNI) argues that “The term ‘shrinking space’ can be understood as a concept or framework that captures the dynamic relationship between repressive methods and political struggle, including the ways in which political struggle responds to these methods to reclaim space, and the impact this response has upon how political struggles relate to one another. Its value as a framework is that it helps us to think through common trends of repression, including their sources, effects, and mechanisms, which political actors are faced with.”
‘Enough Is Enough’, a good governance advocacy group, posits that “The civic space in Nigeria is shrinking by the day, with different government policies aimed at hindering the free participation and communication of its citizenry. The bedrock of any democratic society is in how its civic space is managed and the ability of citizens to organise, participate, and influence political and social structure without their rights being violated for speaking up. Freedom of expression is not a luxury in any democratic society, it is a right. However, the reverse is the case in Nigeria from the recent happenings.”
CIVICUS MONITOR, an online initiative of CIVCUS that gathers data on Civic spaces across the globe on a country by country basis with data driven ratings ranging from ‘Open’ being the best state that any Civic Space can ever be in any country, to ‘Closed’ representing the worst state of a nations Civic Space, currently rates the Nigerian state as ‘Repressed’ which is only second to the worst rating of being ‘closed’
According to CIVICUS MONITOR, a ‘Repressed’ CIVIC space is one that is significantly constrained. Active individuals and civil society members who criticise power holders risk surveillance, harassment, intimidation, imprisonment, injury and death. Although some civil society organisations exist, their advocacy work is regularly impeded and they face threats of de-registration and closure by the authorities. People who organise or take part in peaceful protests are likely to be targeted by the authorities through the use of excessive force, including the use of live ammunition, and risk mass arrests and detention. The media typically reflects the position of the state, and any independent voices are routinely targeted through raids, physical attacks or protracted legal harassment. Websites and social media platforms are blocked and internet activism is heavily monitored.
The entire Civic space conditions under each category are broadly understood as follows:
Open
The state both enables and safeguards the enjoyment of civic space for all people. Levels of fear are low as citizens are free to form associations, demonstrate in public places and receive and impart information without restrictions in law or practice. The authorities are tolerant of criticism from civil society groups and provide space and platforms for open and robust dialogue with members of the public. As a rule, the police protect public protestors, and laws governing the freedom of peaceful assembly adhere to international law and standards. There is a free media, online content is uncensored and citizens can access government information easily.
1. Narrowed
While the state allows individuals and civil society organisations to exercise their rights to freedom of association, peaceful assembly and expression, violations of these rights also take place. People can form associations to pursue a wide range of interests, but full enjoyment of this right is impeded by occasional harassment, arrest or assault of people deemed critical of those in power. Protests are conducted peacefully, although authorities sometimes deny permission, citing security concerns, and excessive force, which may include tear gas and rubber bullets, are sometimes used against peaceful demonstrators. The media is free to disseminate a wide range of information, although the state undermines complete press freedom either through strict regulation or by exerting political pressure on media owners.
2. Obstructed
Civic space is heavily contested by power holders, who impose a combination of legal and practical constraints on the full enjoyment of fundamental rights. Although civil society organisations exist, state authorities undermine them, including through the use of illegal surveillance, bureaucratic harassment and demeaning public statements. Citizens can organise and assemble peacefully but they are vulnerable to frequent use of excessive force by law enforcement agencies, including rubber bullets, tear gas and baton charges. There is some space for non-state media and editorial independence, but journalists face the risk of physical attack and criminal defamation charges, which encourage self-censorship.
3. Repressed
Civic space is significantly constrained. Active individuals and civil society members who criticise power holders risk surveillance, harassment, intimidation, imprisonment, injury and death. Although some civil society organisations exist, their advocacy work is regularly impeded and they face threats of de-registration and closure by the authorities. People who organise or take part in peaceful protests are likely to be targeted by the authorities through the use of excessive force, including the use of live ammunition, and risk mass arrests and detention. The media typically reflects the position of the state, and any independent voices are routinely targeted through raids, physical attacks or protracted legal harassment. Websites and social media platforms are blocked and internet activism is heavily monitored.
4. Closed
There is complete closure — in law and in practice — of civic space. An atmosphere of fear and violence prevails, where state and powerful non-state actors are routinely allowed to imprison, seriously injure and kill people with impunity for attempting to exercise their rights to associate, peacefully assemble and express themselves. Any criticism of the ruling authorities is severely punished and there is virtually no media freedom. The internet is heavily censored, many websites are blocked and online criticism of power holders is subject to severe penalties.
Since 2015 when Nigeria witnessed another democratic handover of power, the civic space has been shrinking so rapidly, creating fear and uncertainty in the country. (OHAERI V.I: 2017). As of August 2020, the database of closing civic spaces in Nigeria — www.closingspaces.org — recorded 252 incidents of crackdowns on the civic space, with the primary targets being dissenting voices, vocal critics of government, protesters, journalists, bloggers and human rights defenders challenging impunity, official corruption and human rights abuses. In particular, Dadiyata, Agba Jalingo, IG Wala, Omoyele Sowore, James Abiri, Ambrose Nwaogwugwu, Audu Maikori and many others have been arrested, forcedly kidnapped, detained, slammed with phantom charges, prosecuted and/or imprisoned. One year after, the whereabouts of popular social critic, Mr Idris, popularly known as Dadiyata, is still unknown after he was abducted by unidentified assailants who seized him from his residence in Barnawa neighbourhood of Kaduna State. Consistent with the increasing contraction of the spaces for civic action, Nigeria scored 36.5 score in the press freedom index for 2019, a significant decline from its 49.8 score in 2007. That same year, Nigeria ranked 120 out of 180 countries reviewed for press freedom, another dip from its 111 out of 180 ranking in 2015
#ENDSARS
Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets to protest the increasing police brutality in the country following the upload of a video on social media which quickly went viral, of an officer killing a man in early October, 2020. The #EndSARS demanded that the nation’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad — commonly known as SARS — be disbanded.
Nigerian police officers have a notorious record of human rights abuses. A report by Amnesty International released in June exposed cases of torture and impunity within the police force. SARS, which was created in 1992 to fight armed robbery “with an element of surprise,” is known for illegal arrests, torture, extortion, and extrajudicial killings. SARS officers are also known to stop, detain, and search civilians without cause.
The protests escalated fast and became violent as the government deployed antiriot officers to quell them.
In the first two weeks, Amnesty International reported that about 56 people had been killed by security forces. The protests began drawing international attention on October 21, when video surfaced of security forces shooting at unarmed protesters in Lagos who were singing Nigeria’s national anthem.
On October 11, Nigeria’s inspector general of police, Mohammed Adamu, announced that SARS had been dissolved and that a new unit known as the Special Weapons and Tactics team would replace it. Additionally, the government said a judicial panel of inquiry would be set up to investigate police brutality and a special fund would be created to compensate the families of victims.
The protesters rejected the new unit, saying that the police authorities have never kept their word when it comes to disbanding SARS. The unit was ostensibly banned in 2017 while a reform process was under way, yet officers continued their human rights violations.
Religious organizations in the country are among those speaking up against police brutality and in support of reforms.
Father Aniedi Okure, a Catholic priest and Executive director of the ‘Africa Faith and Justice Network’ claims that “The police and other security agencies are basically a group of organized thugs at the beck and call of politicians and the ruling party to intimidate and suppress people”.
Religious sessions held at the infamous Lekki toll plaza with notable religious leaders taking turns to address the protesters on daily basis before the unfortunate and sad event of the evening of 20th October, 2020 which in itself was a massive Human right violation of the peaceful protesters at the location.
Suffice to say that the charade that followed the release of the report from the Lagos #EndSARS panel and the State Governments white paper was nothing to write home about.
The Role Of State And Non-State Actors In Shrinking Civic Space
On Sunday 12th December, 2021, The Nation Newspaper reported that one of the conveners of protest against insecurity in some Northern states of the country, Zainab Naseer Ahmad, has backed out of the demonstration after she was invited for questioning by the Department of State Services (DSS).
Earlier in the week, protesters stormed the ancient city of Kano on Friday to express their displeasure over incessant killings occurring in the country, especially those rocking the entire North. Most of the protesters were chanting songs of peace, lamenting that the country was crumbling under the weight of insecurity. Youths had marched to the Government House in Kano, carrying a banner with the inscription ‘No More Bloodshed’.
The hashtag — #NoMoreBloodshed — topped trends on social media platforms. Many youths expressed dissatisfaction with the spate of insecurity in the country.
Combating the shrinking and closing civic space and human rights violations in Nigeria
Faith Based Approach
The Bible in Micah 6:8 says “He has told you, O man, what is good; and what does the Lord require of you but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God?”
The scripture passage above clearly reveals that we are expected to enforce justice and equity amongst the populace. If everyone concentrated on what they are supposed to do, rights wouldn’t be an issue. We would receive what we need.
Faith based organisations, especially Churches have a history of participating and leading advocacy campaigns — for instance the “Decade to Overcome Violence” led by the World Council of Churches, or as member of coalitions, like “Save Darfur”. While the themes of the campaigns vary, from environmental justice, gender equality or ending poverty and hunger, they all have something in common: a fundamental basis in human rights that originates in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNHDR). The theological and ecumenical linkages and to human rights have been explored by many scholars, and the history of the churches involvement in the creation of and international human rights framework has been documented by a careful few.
The Universal Declaration
The meeting of the General Assembly in Paris from September to December 1948 became the target date for submission of a document to be known as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Its adoption on 10 December 1948 was preceded by sustained diplomatic activity by churches and other groups around the world. Both as a consultant to the Commission and in contacts with Assembly delegates, Dr Nolde was indefatigable in representing the concerns of religious groups. As the drafting progressed, he constantly emphasised the principle that governments could not grant human rights, but could only recognise the human rights which human beings, by virtue of their being and destiny, already possessed. The principle is enshrined in the first preamble to the Declaration, which reads “Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world …”
The Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Most Revd (Dr) Matthew Hassan Kukah, holds opinon that the otherwise potent and active civil society in the country went to bed after the enthronement of this present democracy and allow room for charlatans in power.
According to him, “The challenge for us therefore, is to understand that democracy is a work in progress. All of us engage in democracy and opening up the civic space must realise this is a journey, it is a long journey, we must wear the shoes of the long distance runner and every generation face its own challenges and pass the challenges up to the next generation. But whatever we pass to the next generation must be a light of hope.”
Other Key Approaches
1. According to Search for Common Ground base line report, in the wake of the security crisis across Northern Nigeria and the ongoing ethnic and religious violence in the country’s Middle Belt, human rights violations, including those committed by security forces, makes for an increasingly disturbing matter. This issue is also unfortunately compounded by a weak justice system, often unable to help victims and bring perpetrators to justice. Hence, partnering with local organizations to build and strengthen human rights coalitions in Nigerian states is key to combating human rights abuses.
2. The Open Society Justice Initiative recommends a more robust external oversight for the Security agencies, especially the police. The Police Service Commission, the Human Rights Commission, the federal attorney general’s office, the courts, and other state and federal officials have to take shared responsibility for making the police more accountable and more effective. For example, we call for establishment of a federal prosecutorial unit to take on cases of police corruption and violence. We need to ensure that complaints are followed up and abuse is punished in order to change this culture of impunity.
3. According to the Executive Secretary of The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Mr. Tony Ojukwu; “Recurring mass atrocities and crimes, kidnappings, incessant extra-judicial killings and torture, inhuman and degrading treatment, discrimination, injustice and gross inequalities, rape, sexual and gender based violence, and above all, impunity, weak institutions and lack of political will to hold perpetrators accountable for several types of human rights violations” and that “these challenges could be curtailed if we speak the universal language of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms which are the foundations of any democracy.” He added that democracy and respect for human rights were interdependent and mutually reinforcing “the principle of non-discrimination, justice and equality before the law are key in building an inclusive and egalitarian society which leaves no one behind.”
Conclusion
Democracy thrives in an atmosphere that is conducive for Civic Spaces. On-line or offline, they’re progressively reworking basic civic indices into catalysts for social and political change. With corresponding pace, governments are proposing or adopting measures designed to limit these areas, with implications on basic freedoms, significantly the rights of free expression, public assembly, conscience and thought. Civic areas have as a result, return below serious scrutiny and harassment by government authorities, creating it tough for civil society teams to hold out their support or charitable operations. However, civil society actors, together with active voters, are pushing back, responding to those threats in various ways that. Whereas efforts geared toward difficult civic area restrictions have recorded vital successes, large gaps remain. Civic actors (Secular and faith based) must persist to move and contribute to an ever open-eyed civic community that’s invariably able to raise queries, demand answers and hold the government responsible the least bit times.
References
1. https://www.state.gov/reports/2020-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/nigeria/
2. Nigeria — Press Freedom Index: 2019
3. https://www.elca.org/JLE/Articles/404
4. https://www.sfcg.org/combating-human-rights-abuses/
5. https://www.justiceinitiative.org/voices/stopping-police-violence-and-abuse-nigeria
7. https://sur.conectas.org/en/confronting-closing-civic-spaces-in-nigeria/